An Expansive “Us”: W. E. B. Du Bois’s “Pan-Negro” Theatrical Vision
Kellen Hoxworth
By
Published on
May 26, 2026
In theatre and performance studies, W. E. B. Du Bois’s name has become synonymous with his manifesto for “a real Negro theatre” that is “1. About us ... 2. By us ... 3. For us ... 4. Near us.”1 Interpreted within the context of the essay’s title, “Krigwa Players Little Negro Theatre: The Story of a Little Theatre Movement,” Du Bois’s vision for Black theatre has often been interpreted to be local, topical, and “little” in the form of community theatre.2 For instance, David Krasner interprets an extensive array of Black American drama, theatre, pageantry, and performance through the lenses provided by Du Bois’s landmark 1903 The Souls of Black Folk. Within this framework, he interprets even Du Bois’s Afro-diasporic pageant The Star of Ethiopia as an example of an “emerging Black Nationalism” among Black Americans.3 For Krasner, the theorization of “a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness” experienced by “Black folk”—“this always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity”—frames Du Bois’s political and aesthetic engagements with Black theatre firmly within the “two-ness” of Black American experience: “an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body.”4 Similar framings of Du Bois’s contributions to Black theatre and performance as focusing primarily on the “peculiar experience” of Black American identity and subjectivity and its role in the formation of the Little Negro Theatre movement across particular, local Black American communities.5 Yet, recent scholarship on Du Bois’s pageant The Star of Ethiopia emphasizes Du Bois’s Black internationalist political vision in his artistic contributions to the Black theatrical tradition.6 There are therefore two warring ideals of Du Bois in contemporary scholarship on Black theatre and performance: Du Bois, the Black nationalist, and Du Bois, the pan-Africanist. These two interpretations of Du Bois, however, may be reconciled through closer attention to the continuities between his writings on Black American experience and pan-Africanist history and politics. Indeed, Du Bois’s theatrical projects and his lasting influence on Black theatre makers outlines a significantly more transnational imagining of the “us” at the heart of Black theatre—an expansive “us” that situates the Black American theatre firmly within a wider Black diasporic project and politics. Through his pageant The Star of Ethiopia and his intellectual mentorship of pan-Africanist playwrights Alice Childress and Lorraine Hansberry, Du Bois manifested an avowedly internationalist, “pan-Negro” theatrical vision that both anticipated and elaborated upon his artistic and political investments in the Little Negro Theatre movement.
Du Bois’s investments in theatre and performance drew primarily from his view that the arts should be used for “propaganda”—that is, public pedagogy dedicated to “education and social uplift.”7 His most direct involvement with performance arose through his interest in the American pageant movement and its mobilization of mass participation in support of public enactments of history.8 Du Bois produced his signature historical pageant, The Star of Ethiopia, in four cities across the United States in a series of iterations that involved significant revisions and reimaginings of its characters and its symbolism. The earliest iteration dates to 1911, though there is no clear surviving evidence of this earliest draft.9 The first publicly performed version was staged in New York City in 1913 as part of the Emancipation Exposition commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation under the title, The People of the Peoples and Their Gifts to Men.10 Then, in Washington, D.C., in 1915, Du Bois produced a version under the pageant’s final title, The Star of Ethiopia, in which he transformed the figure of the “Veiled Woman” into the role of “Ethiopia.”11 Following the 1915 production, Du Bois continued revising the pageant, culminating in additional productions in Philadelphia in 1916 and in Los Angeles in 1925.12
Though Du Bois continually rewrote his pageant, a consistent plot arc served as its narrative spine: The Star of Ethiopia dramatizes the history of Black peoples beginning in prehistorical Africa, through the rise of Pharaonic Egypt, the arrival of Islam to the African continent, the emergence of the slave trade and the consequent enslavement of Africans, the resistance of the enslaved throughout the Americas through revolts and rebellions, and the eventual emancipation of Black Americans during the Civil War. Beginning with the 1915 production, Du Bois added a set of concluding episodes that stage the post-emancipation discrimination of the Jim Crow era and Black resilience in the face of enduring oppression.13 As the global sweep of his pageants demonstrate, Du Bois’s vision was not simply to dramatize the history of Black people in the United States but rather, as Du Bois himself wrote in his Autobiography, “The pageant was an attempt to put into dramatic form ... a history of the Negro race.”14 Here, Du Bois crafted The Star of Ethiopia as a dramatic parallel to his contemporaneously published scholarly text The Negro (1915), which he intended to be “a complete history of the Negro peoples.”15
Du Bois’s conception of the relationship between Black Americans and “the Negro people” writ large had long been defined by his internationalist and pan-Africanist politics. In his 1897 essay “The Conservation of Races,” he identified “the eight million people of Negro blood in the United States of America” as “the advance guard of the Negro people,” who were connected to “Negro people” throughout the world by “pan-Negroism.”16 Thus, as Soyica Colbert notes, Du Bois crafted the dramaturgy of The Star of Ethiopia to “present[] an international landscape instead of recounting a local history.”17 As Krasner further observes, “In The Star of Ethiopia, Du Bois sought a cultural representation of the black diaspora, a collective consciousness among black people centered upon a common history and ancestry.”18 Prehistoric Africans, ancient Egyptians, Muslims, Christians, animists, African enslavers and enslaved Africans, in Africa and across the Americas — all, for Du Bois, shared a common “pan-Negro” history. Moreover, Du Bois viewed “pan-Negroism” as integral to his vision of “the development of Negro genius, of Negro literature and art, [and] of Negro spirit” which only would be made possible by “Negroes bound and welded together, Negroes inspired by one vast ideal, [who] can work out in its fullness the great message we have for humanity.”19 Therefore, by charting a world-historical arc that spans from prehistoric Africa to the contemporary United States, Du Bois fashioned “an expansive historical narrative” that promulgated an expansive conception of the Black “us” at the center of his “real Negro theatre.”20
It is no stretch to connect Du Bois’s pageant to his later theorization of a “Little Negro Theatre.” Indeed, in his autobiography, Du Bois placed The Star of Ethiopia directly alongside his discussion of the Krigwa Players:
the pageant ‘The Star of Ethiopia’ ... was an attempt to put into dramatic form for the benefit of large masses of people, a history of the Negro race. It was first attempted in the New York celebration of Emancipation in 1913; it was repeated with magnificent and breath-taking success in Washington with 1,200 participants; it was given again in Philadelphia in 1916; and in Los Angeles in 1924. Finally I attempted a little theatre movement which went far enough to secure for our little group second prize in an international competition in New York.21
As this passage demonstrates, Du Bois saw his pageant and the Little Negro Theatre movement as part of the same project of “trying to develop Negro art and literature,” and he placed them along the same continuum of theatrical practice.22 This reflection echoed Du Bois’s earlier 1916 writing about The Star of Ethiopia in which he asserted that “pageantry among colored people is not only possible, but in many ways of unsurpassed beauty and can be made a means of uplift and education and the beginning of a folk drama.”23 In other words, for Du Bois, the roots of a Little Negro Theatre and its “folk drama” lay in his experiments in pageantry “for the benefit of large masses of people.”
As remarkably ambitious theatrical experiments, Du Bois’s several stagings of The Star of Ethiopia anticipated his later vision for a “real Negro theatre” that was “About ... By .... For ... and Near” Black people. First and foremost, Du Bois wrote his pageants for Black people as correctives to the omission of Black and African history from the emergent US pageant movement.24 He also wrote his pageants for Black people so that they might become more involved in the theatrical life of their communities. As Du Bois reflected following the 1916 pageant in Philadelphia, “It seemed to me that it might be possible with such a demonstration to get people interested in the development of Negro drama to teach on the one hand the colored people themselves the meaning of their history and their rich emotional life through a new theatre.”25 Moreover, by enlisting everyday Black people as performers, Du Bois’s pageants were exercises in drama by Black people that, in keeping with his vision for a Little Negro Theatre, “creat[ed] a community through the process of staging.”26 His pageants also were performed near Black people, as he staged iterations across the country to bring his dramatization of Black history to different Black communities. His vision of bringing Black pageantry to Black people is perhaps most evident in the 1915 staging in Washington, D.C., at the American League Baseball Park down the road from Howard University, where it drew a predominantly Black audience.27 Taken together with his dramatization of Black history—itself a theatrical work about Black people in an expansive sense—Du Bois’s The Star of Ethiopia anticipated and fulfilled the “four fundamental principles” that he would later outline for “a real Negro theatre.”28
Importantly, Du Bois’s foundational contributions to a “Pan-Negro” theatrical vision did not end with The Star of Ethiopia nor with his manifesto for a “Little Negro Theatre.” His role as a friend, teacher, and mentor to two of the most significant Black playwrights of the twentieth century—Alice Childress and Lorraine Hansberry—ensured that his pan-Africanist dramaturgy and politics endured well after he ceased working in the theatre. Indeed, recent scholarship on Childress and Hansberry has noted Du Bois’s significant role in serving as a pedagogue and model for both playwrights insofar as he both instructed and inspired Childress and Hansberry and their “radical visions.”29 However, scholarship on Du Bois’s theatrical work has not yet considered the implications of his mentorship as part of his broader contributions to Black theatre and performance.
The earliest known acquaintance between Du Bois, Childress, and Hansberry almost certainly occurred in the early 1950s at 53 W. 125th Street in Harlem, where the Council on African Affairs (CAA), led by Du Bois and Paul Robeson, shared office space with Robeson’s newspaper Freedom, for which Childress and Hansberry were both regular contributing writers. Du Bois used the CAA to organize Black Americans in support of pan-Africanist politics, while he continued publishing pan-Africanist scholarship such as The World and Africa (1946).30 The influence of Du Bois’s pan-Africanism on Hansberry’s and Childress’s dramaturgy was remarkably direct. The program for Childress’s 1952 pan-Africanist dramatic revue Gold Through the Trees—which Mary Helen Washington identifies as “virtually a textbook of 1950s Harlem leftist politics” and their Black internationalist horizons—explicitly cited Du Bois’s The World and Africa.31 Around the same time, Childress and Hansberry coauthored the script for “A Cultural Festival in Celebration of Negro History Month” for a celebration of the first anniversary of Freedom. The production starred Childress as the emcee alongside performances by Paul Robeson, Sidney Poitier, Beah Richards (Beulah Richardson), and Harry Belafonte. It opened with a “Nigerian Processional” replete with “African song” and characters identifying themselves as belonging to various African ethnic groups who recounted their journey through the crucible of slavery and their ongoing commitment to pan-Africanist liberation.32 In many ways, Childress’s Gold Through the Trees and the “Cultural Festival” that she coauthored with Hansberry were continuations of the work initiated by Du Bois in The Star of Ethiopia. They were dramatizations of a “pan-Negro” political and theatrical vision that galvanized the development of Black art to engage and educate local Black communities.
Moreover, Du Bois’s mentorship of Childress and Hansberry also took place in actual classrooms. Both Childress and Hansberry enrolled in Du Bois’s course on African history at the Jefferson School of Social Science in 1953. Childress wrote a final paper on the Gold Coast, while Hansberry’s final paper was titled “The Belgian Congo: A Preliminary Report on Its Land, Its History, and Its Peoples.”33 Through this course, Du Bois created a small community of committed pan-Africanist students, a community that Du Bois further fostered by inviting students from the class to dinner at his home.34 The relationships formed through Du Bois’s mentorship were lasting. Du Bois sought Childress’s perspective about a novel he was developing in 1955, and Childress cherished a cigarette holder Du Bois bequeathed to her.35 Both Childress and Hansberry also maintained active relationships with Du Bois and his wife, Shirley Graham Du Bois. In April 1953, Childress escorted the Du Boises to a cultural reception in honor of Herbert Aptheker, and three years later, Graham Du Bois advocated for Childress’s Trouble in Mind to be produced by a Black theatre company in Los Angeles.36
As for Hansberry, Graham Du Bois recalled that she was Du Bois’s “favorite pupil” and that he was “exceedingly fond and proud of her.”37 For her part, Hansberry was a longtime avid reader of Du Bois’s writing (particularly his 1939 Black Folk Then and Now), and through his tutelage she deepened her investments in pan-Africanist thought and politics.38 In 1960, following the incredible Broadway success of Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun, Graham Du Bois sent Hansberry a series of letters in which she expressed “how proud” she was of Hansberry’s theatrical achievements and praised her “dignity and outspoken appearances on television.”39 Attesting to the Du Boises’ great esteem for her, in February 1964, Hansberry was selected to read Shirley Graham Du Bois’s words at a memorial in honor of W. E. B. Du Bois, which Hansberry prefaced with her own reflections on her departed mentor:
It is my privilege this evening to read to you the message to this meeting from Mrs. Shirley Graham Dubois [sic]. But I should first like to make a few remarks of my own. I do not remember when I first heard the name Dubois [sic]. For some Negroes it comes into consciousness so early, so persistently that it is like the spirituals or the blues or discussions of oppression; he was a fact of our culture. People spoke of him as they did the church or the nation. He was an institution in our lives, a bulwark of our culture. I believe that his personality and thought have colored generations of Negro intellectuals, far greater, I think than some of those intellectuals know. And, without a doubt, his ideas have influenced a multitude who do not even know his name.40
Hansberry was one vector by which Du Bois’s influence extended well beyond his own work as a scholar, political organizer, and theatre maker. For her, “to honor Du Bois [...meant] sustaining his Pan-Africanist and socialist vision”—both within and beyond the theatre.41 As such, Hansberry interwove Du Boisian politics of Black internationalism in A Raisin in the Sun through the figure of Joseph Asagai.42 Additionally, Hansberry drew from Du Bois’s lessons in African history in crafting her posthumously staged play on African anticolonial movements, Les Blancs, which included direct references to the research paper she submitted to Du Bois on Belgian colonialism in the Congo.43 Thus, like Childress’s Gold Through the Trees, Hansberry’s Les Blancs is a testament to the endurance of Du Bois’s theatrical vision. Their collective Black internationalist dramatic output attests to the endurance of Du Bois’s expansive, internationalist vision of Black politics.
Taken together with Du Bois’s own pageantry, Childres’s and Hansberry’s pan-African dramas exemplify the ways by which Du Bois’s “pan-Negro” theatrical “ideas have influenced a multitude who do not even know his name.” Moreover, they trace how Du Bois’s pan-Africanist and Black internationalist politics have long served as a central pillar of Black American theatre. Indeed, Du Bois’s “pan-Negro” theatrical vision influenced Black artists well beyond Childress and Hansberry. His distinctive Black internationalist aesthetics and politics may be viewed as the bedrock upon which the Black Arts Movement took root—from Amiri Baraka’s vision for an anti-Eurocentric and avant-garde “Revolutionary Theatre” to Barabara Ann Teer’s ritual theatre.44 It would be hard to imagine a contemporary Black theatre canon without the foundation laid by Du Bois’s Black internationalist political vision. In this sense, the “ritualizing repair” enacted by Aleshea Harris’s What to Send Up When It Goes Down — which notably is subtitled “A play. A pageant. A ritual. A homegoing celebration” — exemplifies Du Bois’s enduring yet hidden influence on contemporary Black theatre.45 With its deft combinations of propaganda and community-building and its explicit citation of Du Bois’s pageantry, Harris’s play-pageant-ritual-celebration stages a “little” community drama undergirded by an expansive “pan-Negro,” Black internationalist theatrical vision that remains urgently relevant in confronting the social and political realities of the Global Majority.
References
1 W. E. B. Du Bois, “Krigwa Players Little Negro Theatre: The Story of a Little Theatre Movement,” The Crisis 32, no. 3 (July 1926): 134-135, at 134.
2 On the Little Theatre movement, see Dorothy Chansky, Composing Ourselves: The Little Theatre Movement and the American Audience (Southern Illinois University Press, 2004).
3 David Krasner, Resistance, Parody, and Double Consciousness in African American Theatre, 1895-1910 (St. Martin’s Press, 1997); David Krasner, A Beautiful Pageant: African American Theatre, Drama, and Performance in the Harlem Renaissance, 1910-1927 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 82.
4 W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1903), 3.
5 See, for instance, Ethel Pitts Walker, “Krigwa, a Theatre by, for, and about Black People,” Theatre Journal 40, no. 3 (1988): 347-356; Jonathan Shandell, “The Negro Little Theatre Movement,” in The Cambridge Companion to African American Theatre, second edition, ed. Harvey Young (Cambridge University Press, 2023), 103-118.
6 Soyica Diggs Colbert, The African American Theatrical Body: Reception, Performance, and the Stage (Cambridge University Press, 2011), 48-90. Julia A. Walker, Performance and Modernity: Enacting Change on the Globalizing Stage (Cambridge University Press, 2021), 123-135.
7 W. E. B. Du Bois, “Criteria of Negro Art,” The Crisis 32, no. 6 (October 1926): 290-297, at 296; W. E. B. Du Bois, “A Pageant [1915],” in Pamphlets and Leaflets by W. E. B. Du Bois, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Kraus-Thomson, 1986), 151-152, at 151.
8 Walker, Performance and Modernity, 124.
9 Du Bois dates his first draft to 1911, though no version from such an early date is available in his archives. See W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Star of Ethiopia,” The Crisis 11, no. 2 (December 1915): 91. Freda L. Scott argues that an undated version titled The Jewel of Ethiopia: A Masque in—Episodes is this earliest 1911 draft, though there is no clear evidence to substantiate this claim. See Freda L. Scott, “The Star of Ethiopia: A Contribution Toward the Development of Black Drama and Theater in the Harlem Renaissance,” in The Harlem Renaissance: Revaluations, ed. Amritjit Singh, William S. Shiver, and Stanley Brodwin (Garland, 1989), 257-269, at 259.
10 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The National Emancipation Exposition,” The Crisis 7, no. 1 (November 1913): 339-341; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Drama Among Black Folk,” The Crisis 12, no. 4 (August 1916): 169-173, at 171. Attesting to the importance of local site in Du Bois’s dramaturgy, this version concludes with “the All-Mother, formerly the Veiled Woman, no unveiled in her chariot with her dancing brood, and the bust of Lincoln at her side” (Du Bois, “The National Emancipation Exposition,” 341; italics mine). Notably, Lincoln disappears from the 1915 version and subsequent iterations.
11 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Star of Ethiopia,” The Crisis 11, no. 2 (December 1915): 90-94; “The Star of Ethiopia,” Washington Bee, October 9, 1915, 1; Andrew F. Hilyer, “The Great Pageant,” Washington Bee, October 23, 1915, 1; Scott 261-265. The 1915 Washington, D.C. production has become the most well-documented and studied iteration. See Krasner, A Beautiful Pageant, 81-94; Susan Gillman, Blood Talk: American Race Melodrama and the Culture of the Occult (University of Chicago Press, 2003), 148-199; Colbert, The African American Theatrical Body, 48-90. Julia A. Walker focuses on an early draft of the 1915 production; see Performance and Modernity, 123-135.
12 Du Bois, “The Drama Among Black Folk,” 169; W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Pageant of the Angels,” The Crisis 30, no. 5 (September 1925): 217-218. For an outline of the 1925 Los Angeles pageant, see W. E. B. Du Bois, “‘The Star of Ethiopia’: A Pageant of Negro History by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois,” in Pamphlets and Leaflets by W. E. B. Du Bois, 206-209.
13 “The Star of Ethiopia,” Washington Bee, October 9, 1915, 1; Du Bois, “‘The Star of Ethiopia’: A Pageant of Negro History by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois.”
14 W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography of W E. B. Du Bois: A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century (Oxford University Press, 2007), 172.
15 W. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro (Henry Holt, 1915), vi.
16 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Conservation of Races,” in The Oxford W. E. B. Du Bois Reader, ed. Eric J. Sundquist (Oxford University Press, 1996), 38-47, at 42-43.
17 Soyica Diggs Colbert, The African American Theatrical Body: Reception, Performance, and the Stage (Cambridge University Press, 2011), 48-49.
18 Krasner 82. Walker offers a similar interpretation that “[w]hat thus begins as a specifically African American pageant becomes an expression of global Blackness more generally” (Walker, Performance and Modernity, 125-126).
19 Du Bois, “The Conservation of Races,” 42.
20 Colbert, African American Theatrical Body, 60.
21 Du Bois, Autobiography 172.
22 Du Bois, Autobiography, 172.
23 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Drama Among Black Folk,” 173.
24 Walker, Performance and Modernity, 124-125.
25 W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Drama Among Black Folk,” 171.
26 Colbert, African American Theatrical Body, 65.
27 Colbert, African American Theatrical Body, 48. Howard University later purchased the land on which the stadium rested to build what is now Howard University Hospital; my thanks to Joshua Wilde for alerting me to this geography.
28 Du Bois, “Krigwa Players,” 134.
29 Imani Perry, Looking for Lorraine: The Radiant and Radical Life of Lorraine Hansberry (Beacon Press, 2018); Soyica Diggs Colbert, Radical Vision: A Biography of Lorraine Hansberry (Yale University Press, 2021); Mary Helen Washington, The Other Blacklist: The African American Literary and Cultural Left of the 1950s (Columbia University Press, 2014), 123-164.
30 W. E. B. Du Bois, The World and Africa, in The World and Africa | Color and Democracy, ed. Henry Louis Gates Jr. (Oxford University Press, 2007), 1–164.
31 Washington 128; Judith E. Smith, “Finding a New Home in Harlem: Alice Childress and the Committee for the Negro in the Arts,” American Studies Faculty Publication Series 14 (2017): 17n21, https://scholarworks.umb.edu/amst_faculty_pubs/14.
32 Alice Childress and Lorraine Hansberry, “Negro History Festival, February 29, 1952”; Alice Childress Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Box 45, File 25). This script lists both Hansberry and Childress as coauthors, although the festival program attributes authorship solely to Childress (cf. Freedom on the Anniversary of Its First Year of Publication Presents a Cultural Festival in Celebration of Negro History Month; Alice Childress Papers, Box 8, File 8).
33 Alice Childress, “Report on the Gold Coast (n.d.)”; Alice Childress Papers, Box 46, File 4; Lorraine Hansberry, “W. E. B. Du Bois Seminar on Africa, April 20, 1953,” Lorraine Hansberry Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Box 1, File 5. Whereas Hansberry’s essay includes a note on the header stating that it was written “For Dr. Du Bois, African History Seminar, Jefferson School, New York City, 1953,” no such indication of the provenance of Childress’s essay survives; nevertheless, it is highly probable that Childress’s Gold Coast essay was written for Du Bois’s course.
34 “Dr. and Mrs. W. E. B. Du Bois invite...” June 8, 1953; Alice Childress Papers, Box 8, File 8.
35 W. E. B. Du Bois, letter to Alice Childress, March 25, 1955; Alice Childress Papers, Box 9, File 16. Alice Childress, interview with Martin Duberman; Alice Childress Papers, Box 11, File 13.
36 W. E. B. Du Bois, letter to Alice Childress, April 20, 1953; Alice Childress Papers, Box 9, File 16; “‘A Milestone on the Road to Truth’: A Cultural Reception in Honor of Dr. Herbert Aptheker, Historian,” Thursday, April 23, [1953], Alice Childress Papers, Schomburg Center, Box 10, File 1; see also Rev. B. C. Robeson, letter to Alice Childress, April 14, 1953, Alice Childress Papers, Box 10, File 1. Mae Henderson [Negro Actors Associated], letter to Alice Childress, May 2, 1956, Alice Childress Papers, Box 10, File 1.
37 Gerald Horne, Race Woman: The Lives of Shirley Graham Du Bois (New York University Press, 2008), 18.
38 Judith E. Smith, Visions of Belonging: Family Stories, Popular Culture, and Postwar Democracy, 1940-1960 (Columbia University Press, 2004), 292, 295.
39 Shirley Graham Du Bois, letter to Lorraine Hansberry, April 15, 1960, Lorraine Hansberry Papers, Schomburg Center, Box 2, File 16.
40 Lorraine Hansberry, “Remarks by Lorraine Hansberry at Memorial Meeting for W. E. B. Du Bois, Carnegie Hall, New York City,” February 29, 1964; Lorraine Hansberry Papers, Schomburg Center, Box 56, File 21.
41 Perry 179.
42 Colbert, The African American Theatrical Body, 27-33.
43 Robert Nemiroff, “A Critical Background,” in Lorraine Hansberry, Les Blancs: The Collected Last Plays (Vintage, 1994), 27-35, at 28-29.
44 Amiri Baraka, “The Revolutionary Theatre,” in LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka), Home: Social Essays (Akashic Books, 2009 [1965]), 199-203; La Donna L. Forsgren, In Search of Our Warrior Mothers: Women Dramatists of the Black Arts Movement (Northwestern University Press, 2018), 17-36.
43 Isaiah Matthew Wooden, “At the Nexus of Catharsis and Black Healing: Ritualizing Repair in What to Send Up When It Goes Down,” Theatre Annual 76 (2023): 30-43; Aleshea Harris, “What to Send Up When It Goes Down: A play. A pageant. A ritual. A homegoing celebration,” American Theatre 36, no. 4 (2019): 52-65, at 52.
Footnotes
About The Author(s)
Kellen Hoxworth is an assistant professor and the Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Theatre and Dance at the University at Buffalo – State University of New York, where he is also affiliated with the Department of Africana and American Studies, the Department of Global Gender and Sexuality Studies, and the Department of History. His book Transoceanic Blackface: Empire, Race, Performance received an Honorable Mention for the John W. Frick Book Award from the American Theatre & Drama Society. His research has been published in American Quarterly, the Journal of Dramatic Theory & Criticism, Modern Drama, TDR, Theatre Journal, Theatre Survey, and in several edited volumes, and he recently co-edited a special section of TDR on “Blackface Geographies.” He is also a recipient of the Errol Hill Award from the American Society for Theatre Research for outstanding scholarship in African American theater, drama, and performance studies.
JADT publishes thoughtful and innovative work by leading scholars on theatre, drama, and performance in the Americas – past and present. Provocative articles provide valuable insight and information on the heritage of American theatre, as well as its continuing contribution to world literature and the performing arts. Founded in 1989 and previously edited by Professors Vera Mowry Roberts, Jane Bowers, and David Savran, this widely acclaimed peer reviewed journal is now edited by Dr. Benjamin Gillespie and Dr. Bess Rowen.
Journal of American Drama and Theatre is a publication of the Martin E. Segal Theatre Center.



